The purpose of this study was to explore the reasons women in rural, southern Gabon, Africa, chose to terminate their pregnancies, the methods used to induce abortions, and post-abortion effects experienced by these women. Abortion is illegal in this country. A descriptive qualitative design guided the methodology for this study. Five women with a history of induced abortion were interviewed in-depth for their abortion story. Reasons cited for an abortion included lack of financial and partner support. Abortion methods included oral, rectal, and vaginal concoctions of leaves, bark, and water and over-the-counter medications, including misoprostol. Affects were physical, spiritual, and relational. Health care professionals need to provide women with guidance for appropriate contraceptive usage. Abortion after-care of women with physical and spiritual needs is important. Future research is suggested on the use of misoprostol in Gabon to understand its affects on women's reproductive health.
"BACKGROUND: Even in countries where the abortion law is technically liberal, the full application of the law has been delayed due to resistance on the part of providers to offer services. Ghana has a liberal law, allowing abortions for a wide range of indications. The current study sought to investigate factors associated with midwifery students' reported likelihood to provide abortion services. METHODS: Final-year students at 15 public midwifery training colleges participated in a computer-based survey. Demographic and attitudinal variables were tested against the outcome variable, likely to provide comprehensive abortion care (CAC) services, and those variables found to have a significant association in bivariate analysis were entered into a multivariate model. Marginal effects were assessed after the final logistic regression was conducted. RESULTS:A total of 853 out of 929 eligible students enrolled in the 15 public midwifery schools took the survey, for a response rate of 91.8%. In multivariate regression analysis, the factors significantly associated with reported likeliness to provide CAC services were having had an unplanned pregnancy, currently using contraception, feeling adequately prepared, agreeing it is a good thing women can get a legal abortion and having been exposed to multiple forms of education around surgical abortion. DISCUSSION: Midwifery students at Ghana's public midwifery training colleges report that they are likely to provide CAC. Ensuring that midwives-in-training are well trained in abortion services, as well as encouraging empathy in these students, may increase the number of providers of safe abortion care in Ghana."
Each year, nearly 22 million women worldwide have an unsafe abortion, almost all of which occur in developing countries. This paper estimates the incidence and rates of unsafe abortion by five-year age groups among women aged 15-44 years in developing country regions in 2008. Forty-one per cent of unsafe abortions in developing regions are among young women aged 15-24 years, 15% among those aged 15-19 years and 26% among those aged 20-24 years. Among the 3.2 million unsafe abortions in young women 15-19 years old, almost 50% are in the Africa region. 22% of all unsafe abortions in Africa compared to 11% of those in Asia (excluding Eastern Asia) and 16% of those in Latin America and the Caribbean are among adolescents aged 15-19 years. The number of adolescent women globally is approaching 300 million. Adolescents suffer the most from the negative consequences of unsafe abortion. Efforts are urgently needed to provide contraceptive information and services to adolescents, who have a high unmet need for family planning, and to women of all ages, with interventions tailored by age group. Efforts to make abortion safe in developing countries are also urgently needed.
Unsafe abortion is a significant but preventable cause of global maternal mortality and morbidity. Zambia has among the most liberal abortion laws in sub-Saharan Africa, however this alone does not guarantee access to safe abortion, and 30% of maternal mortality is attributable to unsafe procedures. Too little is known about the pathways women take to reach abortion services in such resource-poor settings, or what informs care-seeking behaviours, barriers and delays. In-depth qualitative interviews were conducted in 2013 with 112 women who accessed abortion-related care in a Lusaka tertiary government hospital at some point in their pathway. The sample included women seeking safe abortion and also those receiving hospital care following unsafe abortion. We identified a typology of three care-seeking trajectories that ended in the use of hospital services: clinical abortion induced in hospital; clinical abortion initiated elsewhere, with post-abortion care in hospital; and non-clinical abortion initiated elsewhere, with post-abortion care in hospital. Framework analyses of 70 transcripts showed that trajectories to a termination of an unwanted pregnancy can be complex and iterative. Individuals may navigate private and public formal healthcare systems and consult unqualified providers, often trying multiple strategies. We found four major influences on which trajectory a woman followed, as well as the complexity and timing of her trajectory: i) the advice of trusted others ii) perceptions of risk iii) delays in care-seeking and receipt of services and iv) economic cost. Even though abortion is legal in Zambia, girls and women still take significant risks to terminate unwanted pregnancies. Levels of awareness about the legality of abortion and its provision remain low even in urban Zambia, especially among adolescents. Unofficial payments required by some providers can be a major barrier to safe care. Timely access to safe abortion services depends on chance rather than informed exercise of entitlement.
Zambia has one of the most liberal abortion laws in sub-Saharan Africa. However, rates of unsafe abortion remain high with negative health and economic consequences. Little is known about the economic burden on women of abortion care-seeking in low income countries. The majority of studies focus on direct costs (e.g. hospital fees). This article estimates the individual-level economic burden of safe and unsafe abortion care-seeking in Zambia, incorporating all indirect and direct costs. It uses data collected in 2013 from a tertiary hospital in Lusaka, (n = 112) with women who had an abortion. Three treatment routes are identified: (1) safe abortion at the hospital, (2) unsafe clandestine medical abortion initiated elsewhere with post-abortion care at the hospital and (3) unsafe abortion initiated elsewhere with post-abortion care at the hospital. Based on these three typologies, we use descriptive analysis and linear regression to estimate the costs for women of seeking safe and unsafe abortion and to establish whether the burden of abortion care-seeking costs is equally distributed across the sample. Around 39% of women had an unsafe abortion, incurring substantial economic costs before seeking post-abortion care. Adolescents and poorer women are more likely to use unsafe abortion. Unsafe abortion requiring post-abortion care costs women 27% more than a safe abortion. When accounting for uncertainty this figure increases dramatically. For safe and unsafe abortions, unofficial provider payments represent a major cost to women. This study demonstrates that despite a liberal legislation, Zambia still needs better dissemination of the law to women and providers and resources to ensure abortion service access. The policy implications of this study include: the role of pharmacists and mid-level providers in the provision of medical abortion services; increased access to contraception, especially for adolescents; and elimination of demands for unofficial provider payments
"Botswana's national healthcare system has experienced substantial investment as a result of a growing economy and stable government, and improvements in quality and access are Notable. Despite these advances, women's reproductive health continues to suffer as a result of unsafe abortion. The personal, financial, and health costs of women seeking dangerous illegal terminations, or crossing national borders to procure a legal abortion, are evident. Twenty-one in-depth, qualitative interviews with Batswana were conducted to gain some insight into the factors which make terminating an unwanted pregnancy difficult in Botswana. This small study demonstrates that there are important socio-cultural constraints, in addition to the legal barriers, that make abortion problematic. These constraints are entrenched in the wider Issue of women's rights and status in society. "
INTRODUCTION: It is well recognized that unwanted pregnancies and unsafe abortion are significant public health problems in sub-Saharan Africa. At the International Conference on Population and Development held in Cairo in 1994, post-abortion care was prioritized as a means to reduce maternal morbidity and mortality associated with unsafe abortion. However, only a few post-abortion care programs have been implemented and most of them have been confined to urban settings. The present study describes the magnitude of the problem of unwanted pregnancies among women with incomplete abortion in urban and rural Tanzania and evaluates the outcome of a post-abortion care intervention. METHODS: Data were collected among 781 women admitted with incomplete abortion in Dar es Salaam region (urban Tanzania) and 575 women in Kagera region (rural Tanzania). RESULTS: Sixty-seven percent of the women in urban Tanzania and 42% in rural Tanzania stated that their pregnancy was unwanted. Contraceptive acceptance among women with unwanted pregnancies was high; 93% in urban Tanzania and 71% in rural Tanzania left with a contraceptive method. CONCLUSION: The high proportion of women with unwanted pregnancies in urban and rural Tanzania underlines the need of scaling up post-abortion contraceptive service.
For women in Africa, access to modern methods of contraception, safe abortion, and other aspects of reproductive health care is, quite simply, a matter of life and death, as well as a basic human right. In my medical career and my work in international women's health over the past 42 years, mostly in Africa, I have personally witnessed or heard from colleagues many tragic stories of women dying painful deaths that were wholly preventable through known technologies for the provision of safe abortion care. To remedy this injustice, healthcare professionals, members of the global community, and women's leaders everywhere must undertake a concerted effort to accelerate movement from rhetoric to action. Lofty conference declarations are no longer enough.
The complications of unsafe, illegal abortions are a significant cause of maternal mortality in Botswana. The stigma attached to abortion leads some women to seek clandestine procedures, or alternatively, to carry the fetus to term and abandon the infant at birth. I conducted research into perceptions of abortion in urban Botswana in order to understand the social and cultural obstacles to women's reproductive autonomy, focusing particularly on attitudes to terminating a pregnancy. I carried out 21 interviews with female and male urban adult Batswana. This article constitutes a review of the abortion Issue in Botswana based on my research. Restrictive laws must eventually be abolished to allow women access to safe, timely abortions. My findings however, suggest that socio-cultural factors, Not punitive laws, present the greatest barriers to women seeking to terminate an unwanted pregnancy. These factors must be addressed so that effective local solutions to unsafe abortion can be generated.
This study aims to evaluate the attitudes of a group of South African parents with a preschool child with Down syndrome (DS) towards prenatal diagnosis (PND) and termination of a Down syndrome-affected pregnancy (TAP). This study employs a qualitative phenomenological approach with the use of semi-structured interviews. Twelve participants were recruited from two state sector hospitals in Cape Town, South Africa. Thematic analysis was used to interpret the data. The participants had a positive attitude towards PND and felt that it was every parent's right to have the option. They considered a benefit of PND the fact that it allowed parents time to prepare for the arrival of a baby with DS. The induced miscarriage risk associated with invasive prenatal testing procedures caused major negative feelings. They were totally opposed to the termination of a Down syndrome-affected pregnancy due to their personal experience, moral, ethical or religious convictions. South African parents of preschool children with Down syndrome are comfortable with PND for Down syndrome; however, they do Not support TAP. These findings will provide health care providers with further insight into the motivations behind the decisions their patients make.